| Sing Tao Daily A10 | 港聞 | 星島專訪 | 2010-09-28
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港府銳意發展醫療產業，去年推出四幅土地發展私家醫院，競爭最激烈的巿區黃竹坑地皮，共收到廿一份意向書。家族在泰國投資醫院的亞洲金融集團總裁陳智思與泰國康民醫院聯手，力爭黃竹坑地皮。昨來港的泰國康民總裁DennisBrown(見圖)表示，計畫發展一間可提供五百張病牀的私家醫院，並聘請約五千名醫護人員，會以優厚聘用條件吸引他們加盟。 設五百病牀 服務港人 泰國康民醫院集團行政總裁DennisBrown昨接受本報訪問時表示，在向港府提交發展黃竹坑地皮的意向書中，提及期望可提供較低地價，因興建醫院不如其他商業用地，投資大，回報時間卻要很長。他們近月開始在港進行巿場研究，以了解本港私營醫療巿場的情況；顧問又認為，黃竹坑地段日後就算有鐵路經過，亦不會影響醫院運作，「香港有技術相當高的工程師，會解決到問題。」 DennisBrown指，很多人以為康民醫院主打醫療旅遊，但其實有六成顧客都是泰國本地人，其次為周邊東南亞國家，僅百分之五為國際旅客。構思中在黃竹坑的私家醫院，亦會以服務港人為主，其次則為周邊地區，醫療旅遊並非主打，期望借香港國際大都會的地位，使康民醫院集團步向國際化。預計投得地皮後需時三年時間興建，投入服務後首兩年會虧蝕，至第三年才可能有盈利。 他表示，集團已預留三億美元(約二十三億港元)的資金，興建一間可提供五百張病牀的醫院，預計到時需要約一千名醫生和四千名護士；他指出，員工數目是參考康民醫院，因當地醫生服務時間不會太長，如上午八時至下午四時一更，下午至晚上一更，以及希望會在醫院設立診所，提供地點讓私家醫生執業，同時可服務醫院病人，提升醫生的服務效率。集團會以優厚聘用條件，吸引醫護加入，但期望港府有相應配合，加強醫護專業的培訓，有足夠的人員提供巿場。記者楊玉珠 | ||||||
| Ta Kung Pao A10 | 港聞 | 2010-09-28
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政府早前推出四幅預留土地發展私家醫院，預計年底前可公布批地條件。四幅地中以黃竹坑地皮最受歡迎，亞洲金融集團總裁陳智思表示，有意與泰國康民國際有限公司合作，在黃竹坑興建「酒店式」私家醫院；但他擔心本港現時地價飆升，若政府以市價推出四幅醫療用地，必定令投資者卻步。本報記者馮慧婷 政府早前推出四幅分別位於黃竹坑、大埔、將軍澳和大嶼山的地皮，用於興建私家醫院，並收到三十份意向書，當中十二份表明有意競投黃竹坑地皮，包括亞洲金融集團及本港地產商李兆基擁有的仁安醫院。 亞洲金融集團現時透過聯營公司康民國際有限公司，在泰國經營醫療業務。集團總裁陳智思接受本報記者查詢時表示，現時本港的醫療市場，以公營為主，私人市場僅佔一成，有關業務具有很大發展潛力，且多年來未有新的私家醫院落成，但他擔心近年地價、樓價飆升，會成為興建私家醫院的最大障礙。 私院服務具發展潛力 陳智思預計，政府需要用一段較長的時間考慮批地條件，若地價太高，必定令投資者卻步。「過去二十年都無試過咁樣批地建私家醫院，無標準可以參考……如果佢（政府）以市價賣出哩四塊地，肯定無人會肯投資。」但陳智思並無透露他心目中的「理想地價」。 泰國康民國際有限公司行政總裁布朗（Dennis Brown）接受本報記者專訪時坦言，有意開發香港市場，但若政府地價訂得太高，不排除會將計劃擱置。 布朗表示，早前向政府提交的意向書中，已建議政府以較低價批出四幅醫療用地。康民國際有限公司計劃投資三億美元在黃竹坑興建「酒店式」私家醫院，但並不包括地價。布朗認為，本港私家醫院服務漸趨成熟及國際化，是吸引外來資金投資私人市場的重要原因，但近年本港地價持續高企，令投資意欲大減，若此次政府能在地價上提供優惠，必定掀起投資者的一番激烈爭奪。 亞洲金融集團與康民國際有限公司合作，對黃竹坑地皮志在必得。據布朗介紹，計劃興建的「酒店式」私家醫院將一改顯示本港沿用的私院經營模式，醫院內會設有「醫生樓」，為醫生提供辦公、診症的場所，病人求診可享有「一站式」服務。該醫院將在十年內陸續提供約五百個床位，預計需聘請逾千名醫生和四千名護士。布朗表示，院方更傾向招攬本地專業管理、技術人才參與，並提供優厚的條件。 新醫院可配合醫療融資 布朗預計，若成功競投得黃竹坑地皮，需用六個月時間設計醫院大樓及用三十個月興建，即最快落實計劃後三年可投入使用。他表示，由於他並無在香港經營私家醫院的經驗，因此新醫院最快要到第三年才有錢賺，並需用十年的時間建立品牌。 另外，政府今日向行會提交醫療融資第二期諮詢文件，陳智思期望，政府落實醫療融資計劃後，盡快公布四塊私家醫院地皮的批地條件。「醫療融資計劃令市民有更多選擇購買服務，但亦需要生產商提供服務，有新醫院先可以配合。」 | ||||||
真的要佩服港鐵的公關做得極為成功！
昨天的報導雖然傳媒集中在造價逾百億，但細看內容，十多份中文報章不約而同受港鐵資料誤導：將寵物公園及明渠側起行人通道連接逸港居及黃竹坑站，以及隔音屏障視為是港鐵的「功績」！
其實我相信長期看我網誌的讀者會知道，以上三者都在黃竹坑區內，寵物公園及上述行人通道早已是在南區地鐵項目以前就獲區議會通過興建的項目，前者是我和張錫容議員提出；行人通道是我07年的選舉承諾且同樣早已獲得通過興建；隔音屏障則是我們跟進後再交立法會，然後港鐵才被逼要加上的設施。
如果不信，幸好這些年我每個工作日都有跟新網誌，大家有興趣可查看：
| The Sun A04 | 港聞 | 2010-09-27
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【本報訊】南港島線高架橋部分會由黃竹坑南風徑延伸至鴨脷洲深灣軒附近，港鐵將會在高架橋底下大量種植樹木及興建休憩空間，打造一條連綿約兩公里的「綠色長廊」。當中黃竹坑站及其連接的高架橋會坐落於黃竹坑香葉道明渠上，工程計劃將會覆蓋約六百多米長的明渠部分，以提供約一萬二千平方米的行人、車輛通道及綠化空間。港鐵亦會首次於鴨脷洲橋道底下興建一個面積約二千平方米的大型寵物公園。 黃竹坑香葉道明渠旁現有數段散落的行人道路及休憩公園，港鐵將會在該段開展園景美化工程，將散落的行人道路及休憩公園連接，建造簇新的行人道路及種植大量樹木，經過覆蓋明渠後，會騰出長度約為六百至七百米路段，可以提供空間為行人、車輛通道及綠化空間，估計面積約有一萬二千平方米，將來整個高架橋底下將會形成一條長長的「綠色行人走廊」。 高架橋身經常遭批評是黑沉沉，黃竹坑高架橋會一改過往灰沉沉的石屎顏色，港鐵會在橋身採用柔和綠色，以配合附近的綠化空間。 鴨脷洲橋底建寵物公園 港鐵計劃在鴨脷洲橋道底下興建一個面積約二千平方米的大型寵物公園，內有寵物便溺設施、休息長椅等。工程完成後，寵物公園將交由康樂及文化事務署管理。南港島線工程亦包括興建長約四十五米的行人天橋，連接寵物公園至香港仔海濱公園，讓市民可悠閒散步欣賞景色。
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IRVINE, CALIFORNIA – China’s government has been using unusually strong language of late to assert its sovereignty over disputed stretches of international waters near to its shores. This has led to a ratcheting up of tensions, in particular between China and the United States, with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton stressing that the Obama administration is now ready to step in and help ensure the fair adjudication of disputes relating to the South China Sea. Chinese spokesmen denounced this as a throwback to the days when America thought it could, and should, try to “contain” the People’s Republic.
One way to interpret China’s elevated rhetoric – and its tough response to joint US-South Korean military maneuvers – is as another indication that Chinese leaders have grown supremely self-confident and are eager to throw their weight around. The reality, though, is more complex. A closer look reveals that President Hu Jintao’s words and deeds are often shaped by a mixture of insecurity and cockiness, and that Chinese officials alternate between playing up and playing down the country’s rise.
Of course, there are moments when China’s leaders do seem like people who know that they are succeeding and want others to acknowledge it. Even before the current diplomatic controversies, China’s leaders were gleefully drawing attention to how much more effective their stimulus package had been than Obama’s in countering the negative effects of the financial crisis.
And yet, when news broke last month that China had officially replaced Japan as the world’s second-largest economy, instead of crowing about surpassing a longtime rival and having the top spot, held by the US, in its sights, the government issued statements emphasizing that theirs remains a “poor, developing” country.
The self-confident side of the leadership’s split personality is often what worries China’s neighbors and the US alike. Still, it is important to remember that there’s a positive aspect to the Party’s self-confidence. As political scientist Kevin O’Brien has argued, China’s increased readiness to compromise with some domestic protesters, rather than treat all forms of collective action as subversive, can be seen as reflecting a growing sense of security.
Conversely, some of China’s most disturbing moves can be chalked up to exaggerated feelings of insecurity. Consider the harsh treatment of the gadfly critic Liu Xiaobao, sentenced to 11 years in prison on trumped-up charges of “subversion” for launching an Internet petition drive championing civil liberties. Would a truly self-confident ruling elite have been so skittish about his activism?
The confident side of the Chinese leadership’s split personality is easy to understand. From the late 1980’s until 2000, many observers presented the Party as being on its last legs, certain to succumb to the “Leninist extinction” that began with communism’s collapse in Europe. But the Party remains in charge today. Airport bookstores that once displayed Gordon G. Chang’s The Coming Collapse of China now offer Martin Jacques’ When China Rules the World.
Why, then, do China’s rulers continue to backslide into doubt and fear, and why do they seek to avoid having China labeled a superpower?
For starters, downplaying China’s rise has practical benefits. It helps to be seen as a “poor, developing” country, not as an economic giant, because “developed” nations are expected to do more to combat major global challenges, like climate change.
At the same time, China really is still a “poor” country in terms of per capitaincome. And parts of the country are more similar to sections of troubled “developing” countries than to China’s showplace cities.
The Party is in a vulnerable position – and knows it. That is no excuse for paranoia and repression, but just because the Party has outlasted predictions of its demise does not mean that it has no Achilles heel. Most notably, the anger over corruption and nepotism that fueled the Tiananmen protests has never gone away.
China’s leaders thus continue to depend on a form of nationalism structured around tales of victimhood. They now base their legitimacy on the notion that the Party, which rose to power as the nation fought foreign domination, is uniquely qualified to keep China from being bullied in a hostile international arena, and that only they can provide the stable environment needed for growth.
The Chinese leadership’s split personality explains a curious phenomenon that former US State Department adviser Susan Shirk noted in her bookChina: Fragile Superpower. When she mentioned the book’s title to American friends, they wondered why she used the modifier “fragile,” whereas Chinese friends said calling their country a “superpower” was premature.
Shirk’s title still captures a significant phenomenon that bedevils diplomatic affairs. Outsiders are increasingly convinced that China is a superpower, and that it needs to show that it can be a responsible one. But China’s rulers only sometimes embrace the designation – and the Party still sometimes behaves as if it had only a tenuous hold on power.
Jeffrey Wasserstrom is Professor of History at the University of California, Irvine, and Editor of The Journal of Asian Studies. His most recent book is China in the 21st Century: What Everyone Needs to Know.
Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2010.
www.project-syndicate.org
from: http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/wasserstrom3/English
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