2011年5月30日 星期一
2011年5月29日 星期日
六四遊行 June 4: The Pain Still Remains
2011年5月26日 星期四
練乙錚:貧富懸殊及社會流動性 Social Mobility
香港國際藝術節 Art HK 2011
公眾開放時間:5月26日至28日 中午12時至晚上7時 5月29日 中午12時至下午5時
地點:香港會議展覽中心
票價:港幣250元
網址:http://www.hongkongartfair.com/chi/visiting/opening-hours/1/
注:這是一幅畫,並不是照片 !
PS: it's a painting, not photo!
The above photo reminds me the following works:
(http://hk.myblog.yahoo.com/our_wch/article?mid=9547)
以及2010年展出的這幅作品:
2011年5月24日 星期二
南區新聞:南濤閣順利補選九名法團委員 EGM of South Wave Court
2011年5月23日 星期一
南濤閣順利補選九名法團委員 EGM of South Wave Court
2011年5月20日 星期五
南濤閣業主大會 EGM of South Wave Court
最後呼籲出席南濤閣業主大會 EGM of South Wave Court
2011年5月18日 星期三
港鐵開始「唔好意思」黃竹坑 Excuse me, Wong Chuk Hang
南區新聞:呼籲出席南濤閣業主大會 EGM of South Wave Court
2011年5月15日 星期日
南濤閣管理問卷調查 Questionnaire abt SWC
2011年5月14日 星期六
南濤閣屋苑管理座談會 Meeting with SWC Resident
2011年5月12日 星期四
呼籲出席南濤閣業主大會(2) General Meeting of South Wave Court(2)
2011年5月11日 星期三
呼籲出席南濤閣業主大會 General Meeting of South Wave Court
黃竹坑6月展開爆破工程 Explosion Work at ex-WCH Estate
2011年5月8日 星期日
母親節一日遊 Local Trip on Mother's Day
2011年5月7日 星期六
母親節快樂 Happy Mother's Day
1.
小時候我和媽媽感情不融洽,覺得她既無知又偏心,而且懶惰,早睡晚起,連早餐也不煮。那時我甚至一度將自己身高不如同學也歸咎於媽媽(其實我已是家中最高的了),現在想來我真是無知又可笑,但那時可能常常令媽媽傷心,真是不孝。
後來我慢慢長大懂事,看到媽媽早出晚歸,辛勤工作,回來後還要照顧我們三兄妹,感到自己一直錯怪了她。十四年前的一個母親節,我寫了一張紙條塞在媽媽的手袋裡,內容寫的是我向她道歉,說我一直沒能體諒她的難處和她對我們兄妹的關心與照顧,以後我會好好孝順她。
直至現在,我和媽媽彼此都沒有談起那張紙條,但自此以後,我們的隔膜一掃而空,母子感情就如天旋地轉一般,打開了新世界。
2.
中三時我曾因粉瘤發炎到醫院做小手術,只需局部麻醉,一點危險也沒有。但我媽媽在手術室外面一直等著。手術剛做完時,醫生和護士把我從手術枱上抬我過擔架床時說我好像變重了。我還跟他們開玩笑說:"你們從我身上割了東西出來,我應該是變輕了才對啊。"他們聽了哈哈大笑。
護士們從手術室推我出來時,可能麻醉藥發作,我迷迷糊糊的跟他們說:"我媽媽在外面等著,請你們跟她說我沒事,我不想她擔心。"那時,不知道為什麼,,眼淚突然流了出來,然後我又迷迷糊糊的睡了過去。醒來時,媽媽仍在我病床邊守候著。
我相信這樣的親情。
2011年5月5日 星期四
深灣道路安全島削一段斑馬線 One Section of Belisha Beacon to Cut
2011年5月4日 星期三
船河一日遊 Local Trip
Eva Hoffman:Blood Politics
Blood Politics
Eva Hoffman
Politics, or at least the exercise of power, was traditionally a family affair. Kings typically hankered after male heirs, because power was vested through filial lineage, and distributed through tribal affiliations.
Hereditary power did not necessarily make for warm and open family relations. Henry VIII was willing to execute two wives and overturn Christendom in pursuit of a son. There are examples, in polygamous societies, of royal concubines murdering each other’s children in order to assure the predominance of their genetic line. The Ottomans introduced the practice of “judicial royal fratricide,” supposedly to prevent civil war.
Whether it involved absolute loyalty or murderous rivalry, traditional politics was rarely divorced from personal passion. Not so in modern Western democracies, where personal passions are, at least in theory, supposed to be completely separate from the impersonal representation of group interests.
Democracy, in its Greek origins, began with the creation of a public sphere distinct from the family and its intense emotions. But modern democracies – especially those conducted on the Anglo-Saxon model – take this further, by attempting to separate not only the private from the public, but the person from the politician.
The division is in a sense inscribed in the democratic spectacle. After presidential debates in the United States or Britain, the contenders, who may have been accusing each other of the most unforgivable of sins, shake hands vigorously and give each other genial and encouraging smiles.
No matter how much Barack Obama may have loathed the views of George W. Bush, he had to be initiated into state secrets by the former president, in a confidential – and undoubtedly genial – meeting. In parliamentary debates, fierce ideological battles may be the order of the day, but ad hominemattacks are off limits.
This is undoubtedly to the good, and necessary to the conduct of orderly democratic life; but to those not used to it, the ability to combine enmity with bonhomie can seem counterintuitive. Indeed, it may be that the transition from passionate to impersonal politics is one of the most difficult challenges facing democratizers everywhere.
In pre-1989 Eastern Europe, for example, politicians’ ideological positions were seen as inseparable from their moral, or human, self. Those who were on the wrong side of the political divide were not only guilty of erroneous views; they were seen as wrong in their essence, and therefore to be condemned and hated.
The idea that you could treat political enemies jovially, and perhaps have a drink with them after hours – or enter into a coalition government with them – can seem not only unnatural, but even a bit indecent, in such circumstances. Indeed, in some young democracies, or more volatile cultures, the suspension of personal feeling is not always successfully maintained.
Just last year, one could witness fistfights in parliaments ranging from Iraq to Taiwan, Turkey, and, most spectacularly, Ukraine. To us, such behavior looks untoward, or even uncivilized; to the participants, it is probably experienced as a natural overflow of righteous feeling.
Clearly, parliamentary brawls are not a desirable modus operandi. But how far can the separation between person and politician be taken – and to what extent do we really give it credence?
The Miliband race was an extreme example of what might be called counter-nepotism – the attempt to abstract the politician from all private attachments. As the two brothers sat on platforms together, challenging each other’s views, they tried to maintain the double fiction that, on the one hand, there was no special bond between them, and, on the other, that their sometimes fierce disagreements did not taint their fraternal affections.
For a while, everybody played politely along; but the tricky double-think involved in this was exposed when the younger brother, Ed, won the leadership, by a razor-thin margin, in a last-minute upset. Suddenly, this didn’t seem quite right. In the media, comparisons to Esau’s theft of Jacob’s birthright and to various Shakespearean tragedies began to abound. David Miliband’s decision to retreat from front-line politics made it evident that a symbolic beheading had taken place – and one wonders if Ed Miliband won’t be haunted, and therefore hampered, à la Macbeth, by the psychological violence he committed.
In judging candidates for high office, we are encouraged to eschew “personality politics,” and to disregard such aspects of politicians’ identities as their spiritual lives, their private behavior (unless obvious transgressions are committed), and their appearance and aesthetic tastes. In practice, few of us can manage to compartmentalize our perceptions – and, perhaps, doing so would not be desirable.
We may not want politicians to be driven by self-interest, but we need to acknowledge that they have selves, which are formed by a multitude of factors – and passions. In other words, if we do not want to reduce our vision of politics to policy processing, we need to remember – if only for the sake of fuller and more realistic judgment – that politicians are human, too.
Eva Hoffman, the author of Lost in Translation and After Such Knowledge, is a former editor of The New York Times.
Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2010.
http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/ehoffman3/English
2011年5月2日 星期一
5月法律諮詢 Free Legal Consultation Service(May)
2011年5月1日 星期日
D. H. Lawrence on Industrialization: Work for Life BUT NOT Live for Work
My friend told me to keep the above thought in mind. She reminds me that I once said that if I am placed in a position with great responsibility, I will try ways to improve the unbearable human situation, because we deserve a more decent life in a rich city like HK; and because we should work for life but NOT live for work.
Thanks my friend. I still think the same way, I still hold this faith in my heart, and I will keep working hard to achieve a decent life for all of us.
I know it’s another mission impossible, but I believe it’s a noble mission that worth fighting for.
“Tevershall! That was Tevershall! Merrie England! Shakespeare's England! No, but the England of today, as Connie had realized since she had come to live in it. It was producing a new race of mankind, over-conscious in the money and social and political side, on the spontaneous, intuitive side dead, but dead. Half-corpses, all of them: but with a terrible insistent consciousness in the other half. There was something uncanny and underground about it all. It was an under-world. And quite incalculable. How shall we understand the reactions in half-corpses? When connie saw the great lorries full of steel-workers from Sheffield, weird, distorted smallish beings like men, off for an excursion to Matlock, her bowels fainted and she thought: Ah God, what has man done to man? What have the leaders of men been doing to their fellow men? They have reduced them to less than humanness; and now there can be no fellowship any more! It is just a nightmare.
She felt again in a wave of terror the grey, gritty hopelessness of it all. With such creatures for the industrial masses, and the upper classes as she knew them, there was no hope, no hope any more. Yet she was wanting a baby, and an heir to Wragby! An heir to Wragby! She shuddered with dread.
Yet Mellors had come out of all this!---Yes, but he was as apart from it all as she was. Even in him there was no fellowship left. It was dead. The fellowship was dead. There was only apartness and hopelessness, as far as all this was concerned. And this was England, the vast bulk of England: as Connie knew, since she had motored from the centre of it. “
……from D H Lawrence's Lady Chatterley's Lover (P. 159-160)